Do We Need More or Less Europe to Escape the Crisis? - Introduction: Do We Need More or Less Europe Overall?

Do we need more or less Europe to escape the crisis? This depends on what “more or less Europe” means and who “we” are. For the purposes of the current and the next couple of posts, let us assume that “we” are the Greek people and more Europe means more powers to the institutions of the European Union as opposed to national ones (i.e. to those of the Hellenic Republic). And let us begin by a general inquiry on whether more or less Europe is desirable, overall.

An instinctive liberal response would be that we need less of any form of State intervention, be it on a national or a european level. But anyone living in Greece the last 3 decades would realize that Greece's participation in the European Economic Community and the European Union was, on balance, positive for economic freedom. State monopolies were abolished and many regulations were ditched in compliance with european regulations and directives. The opening of borders, the freedom of movement for persons, capital, goods, and services which were the hallmarks of the common market, all these brought financial and educational opportunities hitherto unthinkable for Greeks. Moreover, the adoption of a common currency meant that local politicians lost the power to print inflationary money, in order to be able to make good on promises to their favored interest groups.

There was a downside, of course; many things could be said about farm subsidies and the way they were allocated, about bureaucracy and the democratic deficit. However, the late Baroness Thatcher's claim, that she did not wish to see socialism creep in through the back door from Brussels, after Britain had gotten rid of it under her administration, would have no merit in Greece, where the economy was much more statist before Greece entered the European Economic Community. Moreover, the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, which the Lisbon Treaty has officially rendered a part of the acquis communautaire, and the judgments of the European Court of Human Rights were vital for the recognition and the substantive protection of property and other fundamental rights in Greece.

Last but not least: the liberal tradition has a much more solid footing in Europe than in Greece. Its ideas have affected all parties, even those that are nominally not liberal. This is in sharp contrast to Greece, where the word liberal has very negative connotations. Therefore, if a liberal were to choose a forum for political debate, Europe would present a much better field than Greece. In other words, it is much easier to convince the plurality or majority of Europeans of the value of liberal proposals, than it would be for Greeks. This means that a Greek liberal would welcome the opportunity to present their ideas and policies within the framework of European institutions, rather than national ones.